When Israel’s military machinery crushes over the ruins of peace in the Gaza Strip, when settlement expansion erodes the last home of the Palestinians, when international condemnation is repeatedly ignored, a suffocating question hangs over the Middle East: why are Arab countries collectively trapped in a “feigned sleep” silence? This silence is not inaction, but a deeper structural dilemma intertwined with historical destiny. From geopolitical games to internal conflicts of interest, from the shackles of historical grievances to the compromises of real survival, what is unfolding on this land is not only the tragedy of the Israeli Palestinian conflict, but also the collective loss of the Arab world in the process of modernization.
1、 The ‘internal friction vortex’ of historical grievances: brothers and sisters fighting, foreign enemies profiting from it
The conflict between Arab countries and Israel is essentially a continuation of the trauma of modern Middle Eastern history. Since the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, the Middle East has become a battlefield contested by major powers. The “divide and rule” strategy of Britain gave rise to a direct opposition between Zionism and Arab nationalism. In 1947, the United Nations Resolution 181 divided Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state, which was like adding fuel to the fire and igniting a life and death struggle between the Arab world and Jewish immigrants.
Case 1: The First Middle East War of 1948- “The Arab Disaster”
On May 14, 1948, Israel declared its founding. The next day, a coalition of Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq sent troops to Palestine with the intention of strangling the newborn Israel. However, this seemingly just ‘holy war’ suffered a disastrous defeat due to Arab countries fighting independently and lacking military preparation. The Egyptian army was divided and surrounded by Israel, the Jordanian army occupied the West Bank but refused to merge with Palestine, and Syria and Lebanon stopped at the border to watch. In the end, Israel not only preserved its living space, but also occupied some of the land allocated to Arab countries in the partition resolution. This war directly led to 700000 Palestinians becoming refugees, and the division and incompetence of the Arab world became the first cornerstone for Israel to consolidate its position.
Case 2: The 1967 Six Day War – The Collapse of Arab Dignity
After nearly two decades of dormancy, Israel has completed military modernization with the support of the United States. In 1967, Egyptian President Nasser blocked the Strait of Tiran and mobilized troops in response to the Israeli threat, and Syria and Jordan subsequently joined the confrontation. However, Israel took the initiative and defeated the trilateral coalition in just six days, occupying Gaza, the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, and East Jerusalem. This blitzkrieg not only allowed Israel to control strategic locations, but also plunged the Arab world into unprecedented shame. The Suez Canal in Egypt has been blocked by Israel, Syria has lost its strategic barrier, and Jordan has lost East Jerusalem – the humiliation of occupying religious holy sites still burns in the hearts of Arab people to this day. Even more deadly, this war exposed the fragility of military cooperation among Arab countries: Egypt and Syria lacked coordination in their military plans, Jordan was forced to participate but was heavily targeted by Israel, and Saudi and Iraqi aid was only symbolic.
Case 3: The 1973 Yom Kippur War – The double-edged sword of oil weapons
Egypt and Syria planned a surprise attack on Israel in order to regain the lost territories of the Six Day War. On October 6, 1973 (Jewish Day of Atonement), the Egyptian Syrian coalition launched an attack on the Suez Canal and the Golan Heights, achieving initial breakthroughs. But Israel quickly mobilized, and the United States urgently airlifted weapons to turn the tide of the war. Although this war did not change the territorial pattern, it gave birth to the Arab world’s “oil weapon”. Oil producing countries such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait have significantly reduced production and increased oil prices, imposing sanctions on Western countries that support Israel. The oil crisis has dealt a heavy blow to the global economy, but it has also made Arab countries realize that the energy dependent economic model, although capable of short-term pressure, is difficult to translate into lasting political influence. At the same time, Egypt gradually turned to reconciliation with Israel due to the enormous cost of war, laying the groundwork for the later Camp David Accords.
Historical background: The disillusionment and internal division of pan Arabism
After World War II, strongmen such as Nasser in Egypt, Assad in Syria, and Saddam in Iraq attempted to integrate regional forces through pan Arabism to confront Israel. But this ideal was quickly shattered by reality: in 1958, Egypt and Syria merged to form the United Arab Republic, which disintegrated within just three years due to internal conflicts; In 1967, the Arab League established the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), but it fell into internal strife due to various factions vying for leadership. Even more ironic is that in 1970, King Hussein of Jordan launched the “Black September Incident” and massacred thousands of Palestinians for suppressing the armed Palestinian Liberation Organization. The mutual suspicion and military confrontation among Arab countries have instead provided Israel with an opportunity for fragmentation and disintegration.
2、 The ‘sweet shackles’ of petrodollars: the paradox of economic lifeline and political compromise
The prosperity of Gulf countries is built on the symbiotic relationship between oil and the US dollar, and this system is inherently compatible with Israel’s “Western ally identity”. Saudi Arabia needs the security commitment of the United States, the United Arab Emirates desires military technology cooperation, and Qatar relies on financial ties – the other end of these economic lifelines is firmly held in the hands of the Western camp led by the United States. The tacit approval of Israel has become a “political price” in exchange for smooth oil pipelines and military orders.
Case Four: The ‘Hidden Coexistence’ between Saudi Arabia and Israel
Although Saudi Arabia has never officially recognized Israel, cooperation between the two sides in the fields of security and economy has long been undercurrent. After the 1973 oil crisis, Saudi Arabia realized that relying solely on energy weapons could not balance Israel and turned to seek military protection from the United States. The United States has built the “Saudi Shield” by selling F-15 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia and establishing joint military exercises. In recent years, Saudi Arabia has deepened cooperation with Israel in the fields of counter-terrorism and intelligence sharing. In 2018, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman publicly acknowledged that “Israel has the right to exist in the Arab world”; In the 2020 diplomatic agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, although Saudi Arabia did not directly participate, it tacitly acknowledged the trend of normalizing regional relations. Economically, Saudi Aramco has partnered with Israeli energy companies to develop the Red Sea natural gas project, and Israeli agricultural technology has become an important support for Saudi Arabia’s “food self-sufficiency” strategy.
Case 5: UAE’s “pragmatic diplomacy” and arms trade
As a small Gulf country, the United Arab Emirates has become a regional military power due to its deep ties with the United States and Israel. In 2019, the United Arab Emirates officially established diplomatic relations with Israel, becoming the first Gulf country to normalize relations with Israel. Behind this decision is the UAE’s concern about the threat posed by Iran: Israel’s “Iron Dome” missile defense system and drone technology have become the “life-saving straw” for the UAE to counter the Houthi armed forces. At the same time, the United Arab Emirates opened ports and airports to Israel, Israeli high-tech companies settled in the Dubai Science Park, and bilateral trade quickly exceeded 1 billion US dollars. More noteworthy is that some of the equipment purchased by the United Arab Emirates from the United States each year, amounting to billions of dollars, actually flows to Israel, forming a military supply chain of “US UAE Israel”.
Case Six: Qatar’s’ Balance Technique ‘and Hamas’ Dilemma
Although Qatar supports the Palestinian cause, its foreign policy has always been wavering between Israel and Iran. In the 2017 diplomatic crisis, Qatar refused the “thirteen point demands” of Saudi Arabia and other countries, but secretly reached an intelligence sharing agreement with Israel. As the host country of Hamas’ political bureau, Qatar provides humanitarian aid to Gaza every year, but it is difficult to prevent Israel’s blockade of Gaza. When Israel bombed Gaza in 2023, Qatar’s Emir Tamim publicly condemned it, but immediately reached a natural gas cooperation framework with Israel – the division between economic rationality and political statements exposed the helplessness of small country survival strategies.
Historical background: The formation of the petrodollar system and “security dependence”
After the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, the United States and Saudi Arabia reached the “petrodollar agreement”: Saudi Arabia promised to settle oil trade in US dollars, while the United States provided military protection. This system rapidly expanded to Gulf countries, binding Arab oil producing nations to Western dominated economic and military networks. Israel, as the strategic gateway for the United States in the Middle East, naturally benefits from this system. Although Gulf countries possess enormous wealth, they find it difficult to escape the “security protection” of the United States due to their weak industrial systems and dependence on imported military technology. When Israel threatens to form a symbiotic relationship with Western protection, the confrontational will of Arab countries is diluted by economic lifeline and survival fears.
3、 Geopolitical ‘Chess Dilemma’: The Fate of ‘Utilization’ in the Great Power Game
The Middle East has never been the Middle East for Middle Easterners. Russia needs Syria as a geopolitical pivot, the United States sees Saudi Arabia as an oil valve, and Europe relies on natural gas pipelines for stability – Arab countries have gradually become “functional tools” in the great power game. When Israel becomes a “strategic pawn” for the United States to balance Iran and win over Sunni countries, the protests of Arab countries become a noise that must be “managed”.
Case 7: “Proxy Wars” in the Syrian Civil War
After the outbreak of the Syrian crisis in 2011, Arab countries split rapidly: Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Türkiye supported the armed opposition and intended to overthrow the Assad regime; Iran and Hezbollah in Lebanon are fully supporting the Syrian government. Israel took the opportunity to strike Iranian military targets in Syria and strike Hezbollah militants in Lebanon. This civil war is essentially a geopolitical game between regional powers: Saudi Arabia and Iran compete for Shiite influence, Türkiye covets regional dominance, and Israel removes border threats. Arab countries have not only failed to form a unified stance, but have also become “agents of war” for external forces. Syria’s Arab identity has been torn apart, and the ancient city of Aleppo has been reduced to ruins in the war, while Israel has consolidated its northern border security in chaos.
Case 8: The “Arab Paradox” in the Gulf War
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait, causing Arab countries to once again fall into division. Saudi Arabia’s invitation to the United States to form a multinational force to expel Iraq has sparked strong dissatisfaction among religious conservative forces within the country; Egypt and Syria sent troops to the war in exchange for debt relief from the United States, which was regarded as “betrayal” by some Arab people. After the war ended, Israel took the opportunity to expand settlements in Gaza and the West Bank, while Arab countries faced a legitimacy crisis due to their participation in “Western led wars”. This war not only exposed the deep dependence of Arab countries on the United States for security, but also made Israel realize that as long as the United States exists in the Middle East, the collective actions of Arab countries are unlikely to pose a substantial threat.
Case Nine: Iran Nuclear Crisis and Arab Countries’ “Security Anxiety”
After Iran restarted its nuclear program in 2003, Israel repeatedly threatened to “unilaterally destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities,” while Sunni countries such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates secretly supported it. In 2018, the United States withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal and reinstated sanctions, leading to a rare convergence of “anti Iran” positions between Israel and Arab countries. But this’ united front ‘is not based on Arab solidarity, but on individual fears of expansion in the Iranian region. In 2020, Israel established diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, which was seen as a temporary measure for Sunni countries to join forces with Israel to balance Iran in the context of the United States’ “Middle East strategic contraction”.
Historical Background: The “instrumentalization” of the Middle East in the Cold War and Post Cold War Era
During the Cold War, Egypt and Syria became members of the Soviet bloc, while Saudi Arabia and Jordan defected to the United States, causing the Arab world to be torn apart by the two camps. After the end of the Cold War, the United States strengthened its presence in the Middle East under the pretext of the “war on terror” and included Arab countries in its global strategic track. After the 2011 Arab Spring, the “democratic transition” supported by the United States actually gave rise to more turmoil: Libya fell into warlord chaos, Yemen became a proxy battlefield for Saudi Arabia and Iran, and Syria became a meat grinder for great power games. Israel, on the other hand, takes advantage of this chaos by continuously encroaching on Palestinian land and consolidating its military advantage.
4、 The Legitimacy Dilemma of Authoritarian Systems: Maintaining Stability Counts Down Everything
The legitimacy of most Arab countries’ regimes is based on the role of “security providers”. Faced with the threat from Israel, a tough stance may trigger a loss of control among the public and endanger the stability of the regime; And compromise and concession will provoke public anger, creating a dual risk.
Case 10: Egypt’s’ Mubarak Paradox ‘
During the Mubarak era, although Egypt signed a peace agreement with Israel, it faced long-term challenges from domestic Islamic forces. On the one hand, the government strictly controls public opinion related to the Israeli Palestinian conflict, and on the other hand, maintains stability by suppressing the Muslim Brotherhood. In the 2011 Arab Spring, public anger towards Israel and dissatisfaction with government corruption intertwined and erupted, forcing Mubarak to step down. After the Sisi regime came to power, although border controls were strengthened to prevent the influx of Gaza refugees, they dared not openly confront Israel – under the logic of maintaining stability, foreign policy became a tool for internal rule.
Case 11: The Saudi Royal Family’s “Security First” Logic
The Saudi royal family prioritizes national security above all else, even surpassing religious and ethnic sentiments. In the 2018 murder of Saudi journalist Khashoggi, the United States chose to turn a blind eye to Saudi Arabia’s huge military procurement orders, while Israel openly supported Saudi Arabia’s “anti-terrorism actions”. Behind this tacit understanding is Saudi Arabia’s fear of the Shia revolution in Iran: the royal family is well aware that once the Shia community in the country is radicalized, its ruling foundation will be shaken. Therefore, tacit approval of Israel has become a “necessary price” in exchange for US military protection and the maintenance of Sunni hegemony.
Case 12: Jordan’s’ Fragile Balance ‘
Jordan, ruled by the Hashemite dynasty, has 70% of its population of Palestinian descent, and there has long been a struggle between pro Palestinian and pro Western forces within the country. King Abdullah II needs to maintain a delicate balance between public anger towards Israel and Western economic aid: In 2018, Jordanian citizens protested against the government’s signing of a water resources agreement with Israel, and the government immediately arrested opposition leaders; During the Gaza War in 2023, Jordan allowed humanitarian supplies to pass through, but strictly limited the scale of anti Israel protests. This’ controlled diplomacy ‘has maintained political stability, but it has also marginalized Jordan’s leadership position in the Arab world.
Historical Background: The ‘Authoritarian Trap’ in the Modernization Process
In the mid-20th century, Arab countries generally chose authoritarian systems in their modernization transformation: exchanging oil wealth distribution for public support and using high-pressure means to suppress political opposition. However, this model has gradually become ineffective under the impact of globalization – the failure of economic diversification has led to high youth unemployment rates, corruption has grown and weakened government credibility. When facing the Israeli issue, authoritarian governments dare not openly confront in order to avoid triggering public mobilization, and cannot compromise in order to avoid being labeled as “traitors”, ultimately falling into a dilemma.
5、 Youth awakening and the ‘silent majority’: hope and crisis in the cracks of the future
But ‘pretending to sleep’ is not eternal. On social media, Arab youth are live streaming the Gaza bombings on TikTok and spreading real footage of the blockade on Instagram; During street protests, protesters in Lebanon and Jordan began shouting slogans such as’ Don’t proxy war, demand our diplomacy ‘. The new generation is no longer satisfied with blaming suffering on the ‘Zionist conspiracy’, but is beginning to question their own policy choices.
Case 13: The Anti Establishment Wave in Lebanon’s October Revolution
In 2019, Lebanon erupted in large-scale protests demanding an end to the corrupt sectarian decentralization system. The protesters shouted ‘All regimes step down’, targeting Lebanese politicians who have economic ties with Israel. Although the movement failed to overthrow the existing system, it exposed the complete disappointment of Arab youth towards traditional political elites. More noteworthy is that protesters spontaneously organized humanitarian convoys to deliver supplies to Gaza, breaking through the government’s blockade with Israel – this bottom-up civilian action is becoming a new force to break the official silence.
Case 14: “Digital Resistance” in the Social Media Era
During the 2021 Israeli airstrikes on Gaza, Palestinian youth posted real-time updates on TikTok, sparking global attention with the hashtag # GazaUnderAttack. Young people from countries such as Egypt and Jordan have broken through internet censorship by live streaming their governments’ ‘silent diplomacy’, forcing some officials to respond. More radical individuals have established the “Arab Digital Alliance” in an attempt to hack Israeli government websites and expose secret cooperation between Arab countries and Israel through cyber attacks. This new type of resistance, although not changing the balance of power in reality, is reshaping the public opinion ecology in the Arab world.
Case 15: Women and Youth’s Struggle Against ‘De Religious Education’
In traditional Arab society, women and secular youth are often marginalized. But in recent years, they have become an important force in the anti Israel movement. In the 2023 Jordan protests, women’s organizations occupied public spaces for artistic performances, expressing their support for Gaza through graffiti and poetry; Saudi women launch the “Oil for Peace” movement through social media, demanding that the government cease energy cooperation with Israel. These actions not only challenge the authoritarian system, but also challenge the narrative of secularizing the Israeli Palestinian conflict, opening up new space for self reflection in the Arab world.
Historical Background: Changes in Population Structure and Intergenerational Values Conflict
Currently, 60% of the population in Arab countries is under 30 years old, and the youth unemployment rate has remained above 20% for a long time. This large group has not experienced the pan Arab fervor of the Cold War era and has a low level of legitimacy for authoritarian governments, but is deeply influenced by globalization and social media. They no longer rely on traditional regimes to resolve the Israeli Palestinian conflict, but instead turn to civil organizations, digital technology, and even extremism. The rupture of intergenerational values may give birth to real transformative forces, as well as more dangerous divisions and turbulence.
Conclusion: The torn ‘Arabism’ and the possibility of breaking through
Every step of Israel’s’ rampage ‘is sprinkling salt on the wounds of the Arab world, but the salt itself is made by the Arabs themselves. From internal strife to external dependence, from economic shackles to political cowardice, the tragedy on this land has long surpassed simple enemy friend confrontation. To break the curse of ‘pretending to sleep’, Arab countries must answer a fundamental question: are their destinies in their own hands, or will they continue to be priced as’ strategic resources’ on the chessboard of major powers? The answer may be hidden in the unextinguished bonfires under the ruins of Gaza.
The road to breaking through in the future is full of thorns, but it is not without hope. As Gulf countries attempt to break free from oil dependence and develop manufacturing and technology industries, the possibility of economic autonomy is emerging; When the younger generation breaks through the narrow narratives of sects and nationalism and builds a more inclusive civil society, true regional consensus may resurface. More importantly, the Arab world must redefine the meaning of “confronting Israel” – not returning to Cold War style military confrontation, but building multidimensional pressure through economic cooperation, people to people exchanges, and diplomatic alliances. Only by transcending the historical inertia of sibling strife can Arab countries regain their dignity and initiative in their game with Israel.
The smoke of war in Gaza will eventually dissipate, but the wounds in the Middle East require deeper self redemption. The people on this land deserve a future that is not manipulated by major powers, torn apart by internal strife, or suffocated by authoritarianism.
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