{"id":15692,"date":"2025-11-10T06:43:36","date_gmt":"2025-11-10T14:43:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/?p=15692"},"modified":"2025-11-10T06:43:36","modified_gmt":"2025-11-10T14:43:36","slug":"sudans-civil-war-and-the-vicious-cycle-of-islamophobia-the-tearing-of-geopolitics-and-religious-identity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/2025\/11\/10\/sudans-civil-war-and-the-vicious-cycle-of-islamophobia-the-tearing-of-geopolitics-and-religious-identity\/","title":{"rendered":"Sudan’s Civil War and the Vicious Cycle of Islamophobia: The Tearing of Geopolitics and Religious Identity"},"content":{"rendered":"
At the end of October 2025, the city of El Fasher in Darfur fell. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) committed systematic atrocities: hundreds of women were killed, dozens were subjected to public violence, and even young girls in their teens were not spared. The World Health Organization reported that all 460 patients and medical staff in one hospital were killed<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

The civil war in Sudan has resulted in over 150,000 deaths, displaced 14 million people, and left 25 million facing severe famine<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. This conflict involves numerous armed groups, external supporters, and complex motivations.<\/section>\n

Behind this humanitarian disaster, however, lurks another, more subtle crisis:\u00a0Sudan’s internal turmoil is exacerbating Islamophobia globally<\/strong>. When all parties to the conflict invoke Islam as a source of political legitimacy, and when external forces use religious identity as a tool in proxy wars, the tragedy in Sudan is not only tearing a nation apart but also damaging the global image of the Islamic world.<\/section>\n
\n

01 Historical Roots: Colonial Legacy and the Paradox of Politicized Islam<\/h2>\n
Sudan’s suffering was initially “drawn out.” In the late 19th century, Britain and Egypt established the “Anglo-Egyptian Condominium” to administer this vast land with colonial cold logic. The colonizers promoted Arabization and Islamic education in the north, and Christianity and English education in the south,\u00a0deliberately dividing northern and southern identities and cultures<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
4<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

This legacy of “divide and rule” sowed the seeds for future civil wars. After independence in 1956, the Muslim elite from the north controlled the government, while the south was marginalized. The unequal structures of the colonial era were not rectified but rather amplified post-independence.<\/section>\n
In 1983, the Sudanese government implemented Islamic Sharia law nationwide, provoking dissatisfaction among African indigenous communities in the south who practiced Christianity and traditional religions, making the “southern problem” apparent. A 22-year civil war ensued, causing approximately 2 million deaths<\/p>\n
\n
\n
4<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
5<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

Religion in Sudan has never been purely a matter of spiritual belief; it has always been a marker of political identity<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
4<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. The northern Muslim regime pushed Islamic law across the country, demanding unified faith and legal systems, while southern Christian and traditional religious groups saw this as oppression.<\/section>\n

During Omar al-Bashir’s rule, the regime, in the name of “God’s will,” exercised military dictatorship, purged dissidents, and suppressed ethnic minorities. Religion masked political greed and amplified social fears<\/p>\n
\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. In 2011, South Sudan seceded, becoming Africa’s first case of national fragmentation directly resulting from ethnic and religious conflicts<\/p>\n

\n
\n
4<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

02 Current Conflict: The Instrumentalization of Islamic Symbols and the Spiral of Violence<\/h2>\n
The main participants in the current Sudanese civil war have complex relationships with Islam. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), alongside allies like the National Congress Party (NCP) and various Islamic groups, are pitted against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF)<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

The RSF’s predecessor was the Janjaweed militia<\/strong>, accused of horrific atrocities during the Darfur genocide in the mid-2000s<\/p>\n
\n
\n
3<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. This force, primarily composed of youths from specific tribes, is highly cohesive and combat-effective.<\/section>\n

It is deeply ironic that these two warring factions have both claimed to represent the “true” Islamic order. The SAF has historical ties to Islamist forces, while the RSF has demonstrated religious piety to garner support from Gulf Arab states<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
6<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

Violence has become a tool for religious identity<\/strong>. The RSF uses sexual violence as a weapon. In El Fasher, armed men went door-to-door searching for money and supplies, taking people if they found nothing. In just two days, three hundred women were killed, and dozens were dragged away and assaulted in public<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

This violence targets not only lives but also the religious symbols themselves. Acts of aggression are wrapped in religious rhetoric, further reinforcing the stereotype in global public opinion that “Islam equals violence”<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
3<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

03 Geopolitics: Proxy Wars of Gulf States and the Fracturing Muslim World<\/h2>\n
The civil war in Sudan is not merely an internal conflict; it is also a proxy war fought on Sudanese soil by regional powers. Arab Gulf states, leveraging their wealth, financial ties to warring factions, and interests in Sudan’s agricultural, pastoral, and mineral resources, wield unique influence over the conflict’s outcome<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

The UAE is the most influential external actor in the Sudanese conflict<\/strong>. Numerous government officials, human rights organizations, multilateral bodies, and investigative media outlets have pointed out that the UAE supplies weapons to the RSF, although Abu Dhabi consistently denies these allegations<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

Unlike Saudi Arabia and the UAE,\u00a0Qatar has been more open to the potential return of Islamists to power<\/strong>. This pragmatic stance has historically caused tensions within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), dating back to the 2017-2021 GCC crisis<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

These Gulf states often have conflicting interests in Sudan, supporting opposing sides to advance their own goals, thereby intensifying the violence. Saudi Arabia and the UAE view Islamists as a threat, while Qatar supports these groups. Abu Dhabi and Riyadh oppose the establishment of participatory governance in Sudan<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

The intervention of Gulf states is based on realist geopolitical interests, not religious solidarity<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. Part of the UAE’s motivation for supporting the RSF appears to be cultivating it as an executor of Abu Dhabi’s interests in Sudan. This support is also influenced by the UAE’s hostility towards Islamist groups<\/p>\n

\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

04 Islamophobia: How Internal Strife Fuels Global Misunderstandings of Islam<\/h2>\n
Sudan’s civil war provides new material for global Islamophobia. Media simplifications often overlook geopolitical and economic factors, attributing the conflict to “ancient religious hatred.” This oversimplification distorts the conflict’s essence and reinforces stereotypes about Islam<\/p>\n
\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

Islam has been “weaponized” in Sudan’s internal strife<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. Various forces use religious symbols to gain legitimacy and external support without being accountable to the core teachings of Islam. When the RSF’s atrocities coexist with Islamic symbols, they destroy not only Sudanese communities but also the identity of Muslims worldwide<\/p>\n

\n
\n
3<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

In Western societies, the Sudanese civil war is perceived as another “inter-Islamic conflict,” reinforcing the narrative that Islam is inseparable from violence<\/p>\n
\n
\n
3<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. From 2023 to 2025, as reports of atrocities in Sudan increased, hate crimes against Muslim communities in Europe and America also rose significantly<\/p>\n

\n
\n
3<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

More complex is\u00a0the identity crisis within the Islamic world itself revealed by the Sudanese civil war<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. Tensions between Arab Muslims and African Muslims challenge the universalist ideal of Islam transcending racial boundaries. The confrontation between the RSF’s Arab identity and the government army’s broader ethnic base is oversimplified into a clash between “Arab Islam” and “African Islam”<\/p>\n

\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

05 The Humanitarian Crisis: The Distortion of Religious Symbols in Violence<\/h2>\n
The civil war in Sudan has caused an unprecedented humanitarian disaster. Over 15 million people need humanitarian aid, and 25 million face severe famine<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. However,\u00a0humanitarian assistance has been politicized and militarized<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n

\n
\n
5<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

The warring parties obstruct each other, preventing UN-distributed supplies from leaving areas under their control. Worse yet, there is looting of UN-distributed supplies. In June 2023, a UN food warehouse in El Obeid was looted by local militias, with food intended for 4.4 million people plundered<\/p>\n
\n
\n
5<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

Hospitals have become battlefields<\/strong>. El Fasher University Hospital was occupied, its wards turned into execution grounds, with corpses piled in corridors. M\u00e9decins Sans Fronti\u00e8res (MSF) was blocked from delivering medicine to refugee camps<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. These attacks on medical facilities violate fundamental Islamic principles of respect for life.<\/section>\n

The RSF’s use of systematic sexual violence as a weapon, the systematic rape of women and girls, has been documented. A UN report indicates that 12 million women and girls across the country are at constant risk of rape, kidnapping, and forced marriage<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. This violence not only inflicts physical and psychological harm on the victims but also violates the basic principles of Islamic law intended to protect vulnerable groups.<\/section>\n

These atrocities, committed under the guise of Islamic symbols, create a dangerous association between religious legitimacy and violent practice. When the world witnesses these crimes, it is easy to equate Islam with violence, overlooking the fact that the majority of Sudanese Muslims are also victims of these atrocities<\/p>\n
\n
\n
1<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
3<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

06 The Path Forward and Reflection: Breaking the Cycle of Islamophobia<\/h2>\n
Resolving Sudan’s civil war requires multi-pronged strategies. In the short term,\u00a0effective ceasefires and humanitarian corridors<\/strong>\u200b are essential<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. In November 2025, the RSF accepted a humanitarian ceasefire proposal from a US-led “quartet” mediation group, although the other side, the Sudanese government forces, had not yet formally responded<\/p>\n

\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

However, genuine peace requires deeper structural reforms.\u00a0The rule of law must replace strongman politics<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. Since independence, Sudan has experienced over ten coups. Soldiers, religious leaders, and local militias have taken turns holding power, making the constitution a mere formality. Without institutional peace, there can be no sustainable development<\/p>\n

\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

Education is key<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. Sudan’s divisions stem from identity fractures created during the colonial era. Only through education can a national identity that transcends ethnicity and religion be rebuilt. Sudan has hundreds of ethnic groups, with major conflicts concentrated between northern Arabs and southern Africans. This division can only be bridged through a shared national identity<\/p>\n

\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

The international community needs to change its approach to the conflict in Sudan. The West’s avoidance, particularly regarding the UAE, has made it more audacious. The international community must\u00a0consistently pressure all external forces to cease intervention<\/strong>, especially halting the provision of weapons to all parties to the conflict<\/p>\n
\n
\n
2<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

For the Islamic world,\u00a0it is necessary to deconstruct the narrative that binds Islam to specific political projects<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. The tragedy in Sudan shows that when religion becomes a tool of political power, not only do people suffer, but the religion itself becomes distorted. Islamic scholars and ordinary Muslims need to re-emphasize the ethical and spiritual dimensions of Sharia, rather than its punitive aspects<\/p>\n

\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

.<\/section>\n

\n
The guns may fall temporarily silent on the streets of Sudan, but another kind of destruction spreads silently. In Cairo, London, and Jakarta, ordinary young Muslims are once again being asked to justify conflicts far removed from their lives. A Sudanese refugee in a camp on the Chad border said, “They have taken everything from us, and now they are taking our faith.”<\/section>\n
The tragedy in Sudan reminds us that\u00a0religious fear rarely stems from doctrine itself, but more often from political manipulation and violent practices<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n
\n
\n
7<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

. Deconstructing this fear requires both the Sudanese people to rebuild their nation and global society to examine its own prejudices. Only when Islam is no longer weaponized can the Sudanese people walk safely on their hometown streets, and Muslims worldwide no longer bear the blame for the crimes of others.<\/section>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

At the end of October 2025, the city of El Fasher in Darfur fell. The Rapid Support Forces<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_crdt_document":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[62],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-15692","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-voices"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15692","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15692"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15692\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":15693,"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15692\/revisions\/15693"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15692"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15692"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jislam.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15692"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}